Prostitution

The history of prostitution laws in Canada and their enforcement is confusing to say the least. For many years, the act of exchanging sex for money was technically legal in Canada, but it was illegal to communicate about this intention. Then, in 2014, The Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act officially made it illegal to buy sexual services while keeping the sale of sexual services legal, though most public aspects of prostitution (e.g., brothels, communicating about transactions in public) remain illegal under the Act. Independent sex workers can nevertheless communicate privately with a client through phone, email, text, or social media without violating any laws. Given that prostitution laws are rarely enforced consistently anywhere in Canada, that prostitution is rarely reported, and that arrest rates of sex workers are highly dependent on local variances in law enforcement practices, reliable statistics are difficult to acquire. We do know, though, that there were 35 police-reported incidents of prostitution in 2024, which is a decrease from 45 in 2023, a 24% drop overall. Note here that these numbers are the actual numbers, not the rate out of 100,000. These figures are so low that if they were translated into a rate out of 100,000, it would be statistically 0. The reason for these low rates is the legislative changes introduced in 2014 (Statistics Canada, 2025).

Drug Use

The correlation between drug use and crime is well-known, well-documented, and real (Bennett et al., 2008). However, it is important to remember that correlation does not necessarily mean causation, and there are numerous variables at play when trying to understand either criminal or drug-using behaviour, let alone how the two relate to each other.

Drug criminalisation has been shown to be an ineffective method for controlling or preventing drug use (Miron, 2004; Reinarman et al., 2004; Reinarman, 2009). In fact, evidence indicates that prohibition has exacerbated problems associated with drug use and addiction (Baum, 1996; MacCoun & Reuter, 2001; Alexander, 2008; Maté, 2008; Robinson & Scherlen, 2014). Criminal justice data seem to support these findings. First, statistics indicate that under prohibition, drug use has become much more widespread and that young people are using drugs at younger ages. Second, drugs have steadily become more potent under prohibition (Robinson & Scherlen, 2014). For example, the proliferation of fentanyl and other potent opioids is driving the overdose epidemic in Canada. Designer drugs refer to drugs created in underground or secret labs by changing the chemical properties of other pre-existing drugs; examples include MDMA (“ecstasy”), GHB, and synthetic stimulants (e.g., bath salts and flakka) and cannabinoids (e.g., K2). Most concerning is the fact that these drugs become increasingly potent with each generation. Even natural cannabis has increased in potency over time with the emergence of increasingly stronger strains and the advent of butane hash oil and other concentrates such as wax and shatter (Cowan, 1986; Beletsky & Davis, 2017). The documentary Flood: The Overdose Epidemic in Canada explores the causes and effects of this trend by examining increasingly powerful opioids like fentanyl.

Finally, prohibition may also be aggravating problems some communities have with police. When drug possession is treated as a criminal offence, both users and dealers take steps to hide what they are doing. In this situation, the demand for potent and concealable substances will be high and there will be less interest in weaker versions of the drug. This was also true during alcohol prohibition. For example, beer and ciders became less common during prohibition, while high-proof hard alcohol became more readily available (Heidt & Wheeldon, 2021). There is also evidence to indicate that drug laws are enforced against Black and Indigenous minorities at much higher rates and with more severe consequences (Mitchell & Caudy, 2014; Owusu-Bempeh & Luscombe, 2020).

Decriminalisation of drug possession is poised to become a major issue in the future. Portugal and several other countries have had success with decriminalisation, and British Columbia requested and received an exemption from Health Canada in 2023 that allowed people to possess up to 2.5 grams (combined) of opioids, crack and powder cocaine, methamphetamine, and MDMA without being arrested (Government of British Columbia, 2025). One of the reasons for this move was the de-stigmatisation of drug use (Office of the Public Health Officer, 2019), a direct application of labelling theory to drug policy in British Columbia (see 8 Sociological Theories of Crime). Contrary to opponents of drug policy reform, cannabis legalisation and decriminalisation of drug possession do not appear to contribute to increases in drug use, overdoses, mental illness, or crime (Heidt & Wheeldon, 2021). Somewhat surprisingly, areas that have decriminalised drug possession have seen addiction and overdose rates fall (Greenwald, 2009; Hughes & Stevens, 2010, 2014). There is also no indication that young people are using more cannabis in jurisdictions that have legalised recreational cannabis. In fact, the greatest increases in use have occurred amongst older people (Heidt et al., 2018; Heidt, 2021). It is interesting to note that, in the last decade, rates of drug use as recorded in official statistics have plummeted, though this may be due to reduced enforcement rather than a true drop in drug use. In 2024, the rate of drug offences per 100,000 population was 128, which was an increase from 113 per 100,000 in 2023 (Statistics Canada, 2025).